AFTER TOURING UKRAINE AND MEETING PRIME MINISTER STEPHEN HARPER IN KYIV…
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March 23, 2014
by Ihor Kozak and
Borys Potapenko
Four years ago, in October 2010, Canada’s Prime Minister was the first Western leader to visit Ukraine after the election of President Victor Yanukovych. On March 22, 2014, Stephen Harper again was the first head of state to be in Kyiv, this time, to meet with the leaders of a new government appointed by the Ukrainian parliament after Yanukovych suddenly fled the country and left a trail of violence against peaceful protestors.
During his first visit, Harper focused attention on the growing authoritarianism by the Yanukovych regime and the need for the world to support human rights and democracy in Ukraine. At the time, Europe and the US were preoccupied with their own domestic economic problems and international financial matters and, claiming Ukraine ‘fatigue’, had lost interest in the country.
Nonetheless, during that visit Prime Minister Harper brought attention to the alarming erosion of basic human rights and civil liberties including freedom of the press and assembly. He also brought attention to the intimidation and repressions directed against civic efforts to overcome the totalitarian past and to restore historical memories. It is precisely these legacy issues that persist and are at the core of Putin’s justification for invading Ukraine – dredging up Soviet-style propaganda about saving Russian language speakers from an alleged resurgence of fascism and anti-Semitism, even at the helm of the new Ukrainian government.
Prior to meeting up with Prime Minister Harper at the Canadian Embassy in Kyiv last Saturday, we spent over a week in the country. We met with the new government officials in Kyiv: Minister of Education, Deputy Prime Minister for Humanitarian Affairs, Minister of the Interior, Head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), Secretary of the National Defence and Security Council, members of Parliament, including Chairman of the Committee on Security and Defence, as well as the Canadian and US Ambassadors. We also met with civic representatives of the “Maidan” movement and many national and local civil society NGOs. We then went to several cities in eastern provinces, including Sumy, Konotop, Kharkiv and Poltava. Traveling by car, we stopped often to speak with locals and with recently deployed military units at bridges and other strategic defence positions.
What was striking was that on the surface, all appearances were of a normal, peaceful and stable situation. It seemed that no one was preparing for a disruption of their daily routines. No one was packing to leave the area, hording supplies, or making preparations for an emergency situation. Also, as quickly as they appeared, pro-Russia rallies have virtually stopped. Similarly, there were few signs of pro-Kyiv rallies. Local media was focused on the Crimea situation, reaction of the West, and speculation on what Putin may try next.
There was a palpable sense of disconnect between the situation on the ground and the constant propaganda by broadcast media from Russia. Other than this, the only other sign out of the norm was the outpouring of civilian support for the few small Ukrainian military units we encountered in the countryside, with locals bringing food, clothing and other supplies for the cash strapped army. Neither city and provincial officials nor NGOs and average citizens, young and old, expressed fear of right-wing radicals, or a fascist government. Only when asked, did they address the topic, and then with irony and indignation. It was evident that the local population was used to the continuous Russian disinformation campaign and was highly cynical of it.
This is not to say that real threats don’t exist. While we did not witness any, provocations are taking place almost on a daily basis. Invariably they involve “titushky”, Russian agent-provocateurs engaging in shootings and beatings of protesters, and provoking violent responses from normally peaceful protesters. However, these infrequent incidents involving small numbers of participants on both sides do include deaths and serious injuries, and are treated with utmost attention and concern by the authorities in Kyiv. Special police units of the Interior Ministry and the Alfa Force of the SBU are actively engaged in disrupting acts of sedition and other subversive violent actions, including arrests of Russian titushky and their homegrown supporters.
There is serious concern that these incidents of provocations will be used as an excuse by Russia to invade mainland Ukraine with its military forces. Others felt that Russia’s sudden seizure of Crimea and even more abrupt referendum and annexation was a sign of weakness and indicated that Putin wanted to grab what he could before the Ukrainian government entered into new binding relations with the West. Whatever the case, if Russia were to intervene, many said that the people in the area will resist and fight. While some spoke of patriotism and defending the nation’s sovereignty and independence, most expressed alarm that Russia is sowing discord and destabilizing the situation. Their patriotism is motivated by a desire to safeguard their way of life and homeland, not unlike that of the late 1920s when eastern Ukraine was aflame with local uprisings resisting collectivization: Stalin’s seizure of farmers’ land and the imposition of a Soviet style serf system over the rural population. That resistance was ultimately put down by Stalin’s resort to the artificially imposed Famine-Genocide of 1932-33. And, the West not only shamefully stood by, but even expanded friendly relations with Stalin’s genocidal regime.
In trying to explain their feelings to us, we often heard from locals a rhetorical question: What would you do if a neighbour broke into your house and violated your family and property? Ukrainian citizens in the east of the country, whether they are ethnic Ukrainians or Russians, Christians, Muslims or Jews, do not look upon Putin as their sovereign master or protector of their rights and freedoms. On the contrary, they are alarmed and insulted that the leader of a neighbouring country, fraternal or otherwise, would countenance imposing his will by force. For them this is an intolerable and unwelcome affront to their dignity, personal freedom, and threat to their land and property.
Four years ago in Kyiv, Prime Minister Harper called on Canada’s allies to rouse themselves and recognize what a roll-back of basic rights and freedoms would mean for Ukrainians and for peace and stability in Europe and beyond. This time, his call to Canada’s allies for a unified response has gained wide support, because this time the West has been awakened, shaken to the core and beginning to unite to help Ukrainians resist Putin’s seizure of their homeland.
Ihor Kozak is Chair of the Committee on International Relations at the National Executive of the League of Ukrainian Canadians (LUC). He is a retired officer of the Canadian Armed Forces.
Borys Potapenko is Vice President of the International Council in Support of Ukraine (ICSU) and Executive Director of the LUC.
Mr. Kozak and Mr. Potapenko were in Ukraine on behalf of the ICSU, LUC and Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, and in consultation with the Canada Ukraine Parliamentary Friendship Group and the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus.
